The value of an Iraq's life

We learnt a few interesting facts and figures today which, like everything else we learn day by day at the moment, only serves to cast more doubt and more disgrace on the heads of our political and military leaders for the murder, death, lawlessness and horror they have visited on Iraq, and on anyone else suspected of being a “terrorist”. First of all we learnt the value of an Iraqi’s life in the estimation of the “coalition of the willing”: £1,400. One and a half grand for the life of an innocent man woman or child murdered in Iraq. This money is not due to the thousands of Iraqi’s the coalition claims to have killed legitimately – the famous “enemy combatants” and “foreign fighters” who we are constantly told are undermining democracy in Iraq – and is only paid out to victims of “collateral damage”.

Semantics aside, if you are “collateral damage” then, by definition, you were innocent. If you are innocent and you are killed you have been, a priori, murdered. So, what we learn this week is that the Americans murder Iraqis then value their lives at £1,400 pounds. Or the equivalent of an eight year old Daewoo Nubira in metallic green, a Sony LCD TV, or one years car insurance for a newly qualified driver. Not a great deal in other words. The specific information came to light as part of a newly launched US military investigation into claims that US marines brutally murdered at least 26 innocent Iraqi civilians in retaliation for the death of a marine in a roadside bomb blast. What should be called, but sadly in our mainstream media never is, terrorism. For terrorism is the deliberate targeting of civilians with the intention of causing terror harm, distress, injury or death.

Thus, interestingly, the death of a US marine in a roadside bomb, whilst a sad and unnecessary loss of human life, does not back up claims that Iraq is a hotbed of terrorism, as the targeting of military apparatus and personnel is entirely legitimate (in relation to the ‘terms of war’ or ‘rules of engagement’ at least). Unless of course that what the media actually mean to imply when they talk a about ‘terrorism’ in Iraq is that the US armies proclivity for gunning down any civilian within firing range makes the country one of the worst centres of terrorism outside of Bin Laden’s cave complex. The story does give an interesting insight into the mindset of the US (and probably all) military personnel, and the contempt with which they approach the lives of those in whose country they are illegally stationed. We learn that following the death of a US soldier in a roadside bomb, the rest of the troop began going door to door around the immediately surrounding houses.

First they burst into the house of the Waleed’s, shot the head of the house, then turned and gunned down all but two of the remaining family members. They later claimed to have ‘heard the sound of a gun being readied to fire’. Which of course justifies gunning down a family with high calibre assault rifles. The marines then claimed to have heard gunfire from a second house. They kicked down the door and casually tossed a hand grenade into that home. Imagine. Without even pretending to try to verify the identities of those within the house, they throw a grenade in. Then they call it “collateral damage” as if people being blown up by a grenade are an unfortunate and unforeseen consequence of throwing incendiary devices into family homes. The “collateral damage” in this house included eight members of the same family, including four children under the age of ten. The marines then entered a third house and gunned down four young men inside, claiming they were “insurgents”. Because in the eyes of a young US marine on his first tour of duty any man of middle eastern origin is considered an “insurgent”, a “terrorist”.

The marines later collected the 24 corpses of the dead Iraqi’s and delivered them to a nearby hospital claiming they had been killed by shrapnel from an insurgents bomb blast. The hospital found that in all cases the cause of death had been a gunshot or gunshots to the head or chest at very close range. For suffering this unimaginably brutal and needless death the relatives of the dead were paid £1,400.

Elsewhere in the news this week the meeting of the Home Affairs Select Committee unearthed some interesting evidence for the government’s claims that 90 days detention without trial was an absolute necessity in the “war on terror”. Remember at the time the new anti-terror bill was being steamrollered through parliament we were told that the police required 90 days of detention without trial for terror suspects, and that there was “compelling” evidence to back up this claim? Evidence so “compelling” that at the time they were unable to tell us what it was? Well, yesterday we found out. We discovered that (and hear I quote the Committee themselves) “the only written material that you [Charles Clarke] based the 90 day detention proposal on were three police press releases and two sides of A4 describing one case.”

Furthermore, as if this wealth of evidence weren’t enough to bring us all smartly into line behind an unconstitutional piece of legislation which would terminate peoples legal right to presumption of innocence without proof, and peoples basic human rights to not be incarcerated for 3 months for no reason other than the unpublished view of an unnamed “security source”, we also learnt of another “compelling” piece o evidence on which Charles Clarke based his informed position. The opinions of Lord Carlise. Lord Carlise is an important law lord and judicial heavy weight, so one assumes that if Charles Clarke is taking is advice then his opinions are well founded. But no. We learnt this week that Lord Carlise’s reasons for backing 90 days detention without trial were based on one single case.

As is this weren’t bad enough, we then learnt that Charles Clarke took Lord Carlise’s suggestion of 90 days detention without ever bothering to investigate, research, look into, or familiarise himself with the one particular case Lord Carlise based his opinion on. So, we now know that in New Labour speak “compelling evidence” means a couple of press releases, two sides of A4, and the opinion of a senile and unelected old codger based on a single case you yourself never bothered to look into. Wow. That’s almost as compelling as the case for Saddam having WMD……

More Musings on Memory

I know that this blog seems to be getting stuck on one theme, but I guess I’m trying to figure out a few ideas in my head. Mostly, I’m trying to figure out why we (or at least the majority) seem to have such a short attention span, why whilst we may find current events appalling, we seem to be unable to accept the inevitability of this based on what we know about previous activities by our governments. For instance, last week marked the sixth anniversary of Jack Straw releasing General Pinochet, the ex-Chilean CIA backed fascist dictator, who was wanted on an international arrest warrant for his crimes against humanity during his regime. At the time I remember the incredulity amongst large sections of the British public that our home secretary, a Labour Home secretary, would release a man who carried out appalling human rights violations which many Labour ministers must have marched against in their youth. And yet now, these same people seem to have feel difficulty believing that a Labour government would systematically ignore its principles.

This same collective amnesia applies in other areas too. For instance in relation to the ongoing troubles in Palestine. Whilst it no longer makes the news, the situation is unchanged, if not worse. There are still ‘targeted assassinations’, most recently in Balata refugee camp, there are still road blocks, check points, the apartheid wall, the daily humiliations heaped upon the Palestinians, the continuing efforts to undermine democratic structures and civil institutions in the Occupied Territories, and yet people seem to believe that the situation there is ripe for the Palestinians to ‘seize the initiative’ and set up a ‘viable state’. Likewise, in a case which bought to mind the previous indiscretions of the Israeli Defence Force, especially with regards to Tom Hurndall, a young Israeli activist anarchist and refusnik, Marita Cohen, was shot in the head with a rubber baton round during a demonstration against the seperation wall last week. And yet, where this was reported in the news, it was reported in a shocked sense, apparently oblivious to the previous form the IDF has in this area.

Then we have the continuing information leaking about the Stockwell shooting of Jean Charles De Menezes. On Panorama this week I witnessed the distasteful spectacle of a senior Metropolitan Police Officer explaining that the Met does NOT have a "shoot to kill policy" but an "immediate incapacitation" policy for its Special Branch Firearms officers. Asked to explain what an "immediate incapacitation" policy was he calmly explained that this was a policy where the marksmen shot the 'suspect' in the head, but that shooting someone in the head does not constitute a shoot to kill policy. Semantics aside, there’s little chance that anyone shot in the head is going to survive is there? Especially when they’re shot at point blank range seven times with exploding ‘dum dum’ ammunition as Jean Charles de Menezes was. And yet the sophistry seems to work, as I have yet to hear anyone explain that the Stockwell shooting was almost inevitable if you trace its lineage back to its origins in the shoot to kill policy of the British army in Northern Ireland. So I guess I’m just trying to figure out how we can make these connections and make people see that you can’t believe something is inherently good if the evidence points to the contrary, that a leopard never changes its spots.

Interesting to see the leaked UN report out this week condemming Guantanamo as breaching international law:

"A leaked draft of the document, written over 18 months by five independent experts in international law appointed by the UN Commision on Human Rights, says the inmates atGuantanamo are being denied their rights to mental and physical health to a degree that sometimes amounts to torture"
(The Independent, 14/02/06 p.24)

The US responded "The law of war allows the US - and any other country engaged in combat - to hold enemy combatants without charges or access to counsel for the duration of the hostitlities". Which is clearly a statement full of holes. Such as where this mystical 'law of war' comes from, or what is classified as a war (the war on terror for instance? a war which is, by definition, almost indefinate), or decides when the hosatilities are over (for instance in Afghanistan, where hostitlities are officially over, or Iraq where only 'major combat hostilities are over)?

I meant to say earlier, when talking about the very real presence of police and state violence and oppresion in the UK (something the general public seems loathe to admit exists, in contrast to the very real evidence of those of use who have been prevented from legitimately protesting under anti-terror legislation over the last two years, of those of us who have been beaten black and blue by riot police on demonstrations and at free parties), that even recently there have been questions raised - questions noticably absent from the discourse of the mainstream media. Actually, thats not quite true. One notable case has been discussed in great detail: the murder of Jean Charles de Menezes by Metropolitan Police Officers last year. But then that was almost unavoidable, occuring when and where it did.

It seems that for all their attempts to deny, distort and re-write the truth, the Met might actually face some real criticism, and maybe even succesful legal action, over their horribly amateur and misguided actions. But the incident was not entirely in isolation. At the more general level of police violence, and seeming immunity from prosecution or censure, there have been, and continue to be, incidents where the Police's actions seem excessive, disproportional, and downright biggoted and retributional in nature. Two recent examples spring to mind.

Last month, while the mainstream media's attention was focussed firmly on protests against the Danish cartoons, a man died in suspicous circumstances in South East London. On 10th January Police looking for suspects in the murder ofWPC Breshenevsky in Bradford raided a house in the the Somali community in the Woolwich/Plumstead area of London. The house the Police raided did not contain the suspect, but another man was present and alone in the house at the time. Inside was Nuur Saeed who was later found outside seriously injured. It seems he fell head first from a second story balcony. He died on January 22nd from a massive brain injury. It may indeed have been an accident, but the lack of interest in the story, and the ongoing allegations of harrasment within that area's Somali community against Police in light of the WPCs murder, beg further investigation. (For further info see here and here)

Last August another young black man died in London in unclear circumstances. Paul Coker died on the floor of a cell in Plumstead Police Station (For more info click here). His family are now facing the same wall of silence that the de Menezes family are so angry about. Again, the death may have been accidental, but in light of the all to regular spectre of 'death in police custody' type headlines, one wonders at what point we might, collectively, wake up and smell the oft lamented stench of 'institutional racism' within the ranks of the Police?

I guess what’s bothering me throughout the last two posts, what I'm trying to get at, is the feeling that the current conjecture (i.e. the war in Iraq, Afghanistan, Guantanamo Bay, etc) is, at its simplest, the manifestation of our modern consumer-capitalist, neoliberal western world. And as such it reveals to us in concrete terms things which, in normal circumstances, stay hidden below the threshold of our normal vision. So, the presence of Guantanamo Bay, flying in the face of international law and global moral opinion, merely serves to highlight the racist, violent and controlling nature of our new world order.

The war in Iraq, in all its brutality, reveals to us the close ties between our system of politics and our economic beliefs (through the inexorable ties between the military-industrial complex and the neoliberal global economic order). Overall, the many ignorals of law, ethics, and common decency reveal the vicious nature of this globalizing force, emerging from behind its polished sheen of accountability, progress, development, and democracy. Which is why I'm so angry and amazed at the relative lack of protest directed at the leading governments in this movement, the UK and US, from within their own borders.

True, there is a groundswell of opposition to the war in Iraq, to the war on terror and its attendant attacks on our civil liberties, but the people more generally opposed to this new world order seemed so stunned at the brutal displays of power, violence, and disregard for law, that we seem, collectively, to have been stunned into silence. It seems to me that the ongoing events present the perfect opportunity to make the linkages from what manifests itself in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, and the daily brutalities of neoliberal globalization (both at home and abroad): prisoner abuse is as likely in Britain's asylum holding centres, deportation centres, and prisons as that the government is now forced to admit is happening in Iraq and Afghanistan; police brutality and draconian legislation curbing freedoms to assemble and protest are happening in Britain, not just in some far away land; the impoverishment of the lower classes through the privatization of services and the casualisation of work are prevalent globally; the disregard for law and human rights is not only characteristic of Guantanamo Bay; and the desire to be bound only by those treaties and institutions which remain in our interests does not only characterise our actions abroad in exceptional circumstances.

Typical. Now its the UK troops again....

So, no sooner had I finished considering why it is impossible to win a 'war on terror' when you cant even uphold basic human rights, let alone legal rights, and what pops into the news? Another UK troop abuse scandal. As with all the others this is 'an isolated incident', 'a few bad eggs', 'totally abhorrent', etc, but it makes you wonder how stupid they think we might be that they keep trotting out the same old excuses. It's not that I believe its a deliberate policy or anything of that nature, but I do believe that there is a tacit acceptance of these kinds of behaviour, and that it is only when they come to light publicly that the armies PR machine jumps into action defending the kind, loving nature of the British army, and reminding us of how they have won 'hearts and minds' in Basra.

The army know that their troops are in a highly tense and volatile situation, and it is therefore in their interests to let them blow off steam however this can best be achieved. From turning a blind eye to drug use and the presence and use of prostitutes, to allowing theft and assaults to form a part of routine activity overseas, the army is stuck with the problem of how to control thousands of men stationed overseas, away from their friends and family, and facing real and imminent danger. And their answer has been the same as always - the easiest way to relieve tension is to let the men get a little carried away now and then.

Thus the spectacle of Nicholas Witchell, reporting the abuses, attempting to legitimate the brutality by explaining that the Iraqi's being beaten had 'probably been throwing stones at the British patrol'. Where is the moral equivalence between throwing stones at troops dressed in body armour and armed with assault rifles, and getting the shit kicked out of you by three or four soldiers armed with batons? Not that moral equivalence should even come in to it. As I mentioned t'other day, there's little or no hope for the 'war on terror' (however badly conceptualised and vacuous this term) if the UK and US troops can't start treating others with the basic standards of human decency. And so, from Guantanamo to Abu Graib, from Bagram to Basra, the lack of humanity threatens not only the day to day lives of those on the receiving end of this brand of 'freedom and democracy' but also the wider status of 'the west' as the pinnacle of human development. Perhaps, finally, the old lies are beginning to unravel?

Guantanamo Bay: Human vs.Legal Rights

Last night I watched Channel 4 news, where John Bellinger, counsel to the US State Department and the man who provided the legal justification for the war in Iraq, stated that holding prisoners in Guantanamo Bay is OK, because they have no legal rights. This clearly seems abhorrent at face value, but as Mr Bellinger continued to speak, I became struck by a notion that periodically lodges in my head when I think about the current state of Human Rights and International Law. And that is how culpable we, the public, are in allowing to pass without criticism comments, statements and observations which clearly breach commonly held moral assumptions, common sense, truth, or the law. On the one hand it seems that the speed and pace with which certain governments, leaders, and sections of the mainstream media bombard us with ‘facts’, information and claims is so rapid and unrepentant that we don’t have time to analyse what is being said and respond accordingly, because by the time one has it is no longer ‘current’, no longer ‘news’. The most obvious example comes from the run up to the war in Iraq, when so many lies and deceptions were thrown at us that we seemed unable to answer and defeat each point by point. It was as if we were being deliberately drowned in a sea of obfuscation. On the other hand it seems, conversely, that the lies we are presented with are so staggeringly and clearly untrue that we are frozen in incomprehension and withdraw to try and understand the implications of being so brazenly lied to. Either way, the net result is the same: lie upon lie passes us by with little or no challenge, analysis or retort. We are therefore subject to the spectacle of being told things which directly contradict things we were told previously, or even being told two dialectically opposed facts by the same person, almost in the same breath, with little or no opportunity to highlight these inconsistencies.

So I decided to download and transcribe John Bellinger’s comments on last night’s news, and deconstruct the inaccuracies and contradictions in his statements. As the man who provides the final say in legal issues to the US State Department, it is fair to say that he sings from the standard issue George Dubya songsheet, and represents (more eloquently than many of his colleagues) the stated views of the White House. I began by considering his response to a question from Jon Snow asking whether prisoners in Guantanamo Bay (and by extension other US prisons for ‘Enemy Combatants’ outside US territory) are subject to the Geneva Conventions:

“People have an aspiration that they would like the Geneva conventions to apply, and we typically apply the Geneva conventions, but all one has to do as a lawyer is to look through the terms of the Geneva conventions and they, one, don’t apply by their terms to Al Qaeda, they apply between high contracting countries. Al Qaeda is not a contracting party to the Geneva conventions”

I then downloaded and read the majority of the Geneva Conventions, and whilst I am not a lawyer and wouldn’t claim to have much idea about international law, it became abundantly clear that any party committing themselves to the Geneva Convention is expected to apply them, carte blanche, to anyone it interacts with in a combat situation (as no party to the Geneva Conventions can absolve itself, or another party, of liability for grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions, c.f. Convention I, Art. 51; Convention II, Art. 52; Convention III, Art. 131; Convention IV, Art. 148). The idea of ‘enemy combatant’ is present within the Conventions, but only as a descriptive term for any individual fighting for the army, guerrilla force, or combative force you are opposing. Furthermore, it is clear that any enemy fighter captured must be considered as a Prisoner of War. The only other possibility is that they are considered as a mercenary (subject to repatriation to their country of nationality and trial there) or a civilian (at which point they must be released or charged in a civilian court). On the subject of classifying the prisoners at Camp Delta Mr Bellinger asserts that “it’s probably right that these people are not entitled to be classed as prisoners of war under the Geneva Convention.” Probably? One minute he is claiming as an irrefutable fact that these men are not protected by the Geneva Conventions, the next he is suggesting they “probably” aren’t! He continues,

“Well, it’s not clear that they do have legal rights. All of us as lawyers, myself included as the legal advisor to the State Department, think that in general terms that all human beings need to be treated according to law and the rule of law. The problem is when one is dealing with essentially an army of terrorists who are trying to kill civilians. The legal rules that apply to people like that are simply not clear. So I can understand that people would like to apply the Geneva conventions, but anybody, you barely have to be a lawyer to read the terms of the Geneva Convention to see that these people do not qualify as prisoners of war.”

So, essentially, in the same breath as he claims that all people should be subject to the rule of law, he denies these men their right to protection under the only piece of international legislation drawn up to deal with, and protect, people in exactly the situation of those men captured by the US in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere. And when one actually takes the time to think about what is being said one sees a classic example of the blurring of issues to attempt to deflect our attention from the lies we are being told. The discussion focuses specifically on Camp Delta at Guantanamo Bay. In Camp Delta there are a number of prisoners (the exact number is unknown as the US admits there are prisoners held there who even the red Cross have not been allowed access to – a clear breach of international law). Depending on the questions raised we are lead to believe either that, a) these men are Al Qaeda terrorists suspected of involvement in unspecified plots or actions, or b) these men are ‘enemy combatants’ from Afghanistan or Iraq who were captured fighting the US (and are usually accused of having links to Al Qaeda). In this instance Mr Bellinger implies that the men in Guantanamo Bay are involved in “trying to kill civilians” – that is to say, they are terrorists. However, earlier in the week it had been announced that (according to a report by two lawyers, Mark Denbeaux and Joshua Denbeaux) more than half of the detainees, who are being held without charge, have never committed any "hostile acts" against the US. They estimated that 55% "are not determined to have committed any hostile acts against the United States or its coalition allies", after analysing government documents regarding the prisoners. Furthermore, according to the documents, only 8% were classed as al-Qaeda fighters and 60 prisoners "are detained merely because they are 'associated with' a group or groups the [US] government asserts are terrorist organizations". So, whilst Mr Bellinger claims it is perfectly acceptable to hold these men, without trial, in a country they are neither from nor were fighting in, as the Geneva Conventions don’t apply to terrorists, it is actually the case that over half these man have not been involved in any acts hostile to the US. And only one in ten is associated with Al Qaeda. So, these men are held, without trial, illegally, without the protection of international law, at the behest of the US government who, in many cases, are not even able to verify the identities of the men they are holding (the report suggests that some of the detainees were caught by people seeking US bounties and their identities were never properly verified).

In light of these facts it seems distasteful to hear My Bellinger claim in his next breath that “what we have said though is that we are complying with our international legal obligations.” There are a number of issues which might call into question America’s compliance with international law. As well as Guantanamo, off the top of my head, one might consider the invasion of Iraq, a sovereign state, without the mandate of the United Nations as breaching international law; or the US corporate restructuring of the Iraqi oil markets in order to facilitate US profits at both the oil head and the petrol pump; or the illegal imposition of non-negotiable terms and conditions in the documentation transferring power from Paul Bremer to the Iraqi government. There are undoubtedly more examples, but these will serve for now. Perhaps the most salient question is that of ‘Extraordinary Rendition’, or kidnap as it might more simply be known. This process involves the US illegally removing a citizen or combatant from a country where they have been detained and removing them to a third country other than the US, often covertly, where they are detained, and many would argue, tortured. Mr Bellinger attempts to explain this as follows:

“Let’s say that someone who might have been connected with the World Trade centre bombings, the London bombings, lets say that person is found in some third country, and that third country intelligence service says ‘we found this individual, he hasn’t committed a crime in our country, we’re going to expel him’, and we happen to find that in an additional country, he is wanted somewhere else. So, that person can be expelled from the country where they’re found to the country of their nationality, and that helps overall in the fight against terrorism rather than letting those people simply walk free. This is the sort of cooperation amongst intelligence services that is fairly useful.”

There are so many inaccuracies and untruths in this statement it is difficult to know where to start. Firstly, if an individual is found in one country, where he is innocent of committing a crime, but is wanted for a crime in another country there is legislation in place to deal with this – extradition. Of course the US may be loathe to pursue this particular path as it would necessitate having some evidence that would stand up in a court of law. Secondly, it is interesting to note that Mr Bellinger doesn’t claim the captured individual should be returned to the country where they are wanted for a crime, per se, but to the country of their birth. What the legal precedent for this is, or what the benefit of this is, is not clear. Though considering what we know about the extraordinary rendition flights crossing Europe to Romania and Poland from other parts of the world, it would appear that the US has been capturing huge numbers of Romanian and Polish terrorists and criminals and repatriating them to the countries of their birth!

What is perhaps most disturbing about his current trend within the US and British administrations for ignoring the precedent of international law is their own proclivities for calling on other leaders, governments and countries to uphold the rule of international law. Places like Iran, Venezuela, and Palestine currently. How hypocritical it must look to the ordinary citizens of these countries to be told to uphold the international law which the UK and US flout so openly. Worse, perhaps, for those with a sense of history. A sense of history which might extend to remembering that the US is one of only two countries to have vetoed a motion in the UN calling for all countries to uphold international law: during the US supported Contra counter-insurgency against the democratically elected Sandinista government in Nicaragua the UN proposed a motion calling on all countries (i.e. the US) to uphold the rule of international law. The US vetoed this proposal, against the wishes of every other country in the world. The same US government who ignored international law in supporting insurrections against democratically elected governments in Guatemala, El Salvador, Iran, or Chile, or who ignored international law when carpet bombing Cambodia and Vietnam (in breach of Protocol I, Art. 51 , Sec. 5a and Protocol I, Art. 57, Sec. 2b of the Geneva Convention), or who ignored international law in using chemical and biological weapons against the Vietcong (prohibited under the 1925 Geneva Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare). But we are not meant to raise issues like this, are we? They’re outdated, yesterdays news, irrelevant to the ‘facts on the ground’ for the ‘war on terrorism’. But how are we supposed to combat terrorism if it is not within the framework of international law. The precise reason why we consider these people terrorist is that they go against the otherwise universally accepted notions we have of law, order, civility, and morality. How are we to combat them by disregarding our own sense of these things?

I started this rambling monologue by noting that I am not an expert on international law. So even if there are legal arguments to be made about these issues (status of captured fighters, rendition, invading foreign countries, etc), is it not the case that we should colour all our judgements with the lens of morality? However abhorrent another’s actions, however vitriolic and hateful their stated aims may be, it is imperative we treat them the same as any other member of our society. Imperative because only in being above hatred, bitterness, revenge and recrimination will we be likely to act in a just manner. And justice is supposed to be the guiding principle of our laws and international relations: it’s why they are enshrined in law and have guided national and international politics since the end of the World Wars. So how else are we to interpret the US decision to exempt certain human beings from their basic legal rights? As an attack on their human rights and as a clear sign of the disregard and disdain the US has for things it can not understand. For to deny someone their legal rights is to deny them their human rights, as human rights are enshrined in law, and to do this is to dehumanise them, to make them no more than an object, a thing. The kinds of things we find barbaric and totalitarian in the regimes around the world we criticise and censure. For what kind of country would force-feed detainees, without anaesthetic, simply to keep them alive long enough to try in a kangaroo court without knowing the charges against them or having access to a lawyer, and then execute them? The New York Times reported this week that in Guantanamo Bay hunger strikers are being strapped to chairs for hours to force-feed them through tubes, before being restrained to stop them vomiting and placed in solitary confinement for extended periods to stop them drawing encouragement from each other. It is claimed that their treatment is regularly so rough that they are left bleeding from the nose and mouth. Having been captured abroad, these men have been incarcerated (and often tortured) in situ, then hooded, bound and flown to Camp Delta, where they are placed in orange jumpsuits (contrary to Convention IV, Art. 90 of the Geneva Convention), caged, tortured further, not subject to due legal process, and then prevented forcibly from starving themselves to death, despite most having no proven links to terrorist networks or evidence of serious wrongdoing. In some cases people have been detained on a case of mistaken identity. How does denying these men their Human Rights to legal recourse, the right to life, the right to equality before the law, the right to recognized as a person before the law, the right to dignity, in short, the right to be treated as a human being help bring them to justice? How does it reflect and impact on how the UK and US are perceived abroad? How does it not play into the hands of the very people the UK and US claim to be fighting to eradicate. How does it give us a right to call on others to uphold the rule of international law? How does it give us the right to talk about freedom, justice and democracy?

Just making sure I can make this seemingly simple piece of kit work....

Well, it looks like I can. More anon......